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By John Krige

In 1945, the us used to be not just the most powerful monetary and army strength on the planet; it used to be additionally the world's chief in technological know-how and know-how. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technology in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar clinical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the United States. They mobilized political and monetary aid to advertise not only America's medical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly battle political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this test at clinical dominance through the usa will be noticeable as a kind of "consensual hegemony," related to the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this thought to research a chain of case experiences that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technological know-how Committee, and influential participants of the clinical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia collage and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize medical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations examine. He info U.S. help for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's research indicates how consensual hegemony in technological know-how not just served the pursuits of postwar ecu reconstruction yet turned in a different way of keeping American management and "making the area secure for democracy."

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Additional info for American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe (Transformations: Studies in the History of Science and Technology)

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The great majority of European women and men, the defeated as well as the victors, wanted nothing more than to go on with their lives . . 37 They wanted to share in the American dream. 28 Chapter 2 The Brussels Pact and the North Atlantic Treaty Within days of the Prague coup, Britain and France, along with the three Benelux countries (Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg) signed a defense agreement in Brussels. ”39 The five contracting parties declared themselves convinced of “the necessity of uniting in order to promote the economic recovery of Europe,” coordinating economies, improving standards of living, and enhancing understanding between their peoples.

The strings attached to the money reflected the aims of the Marshall Plan: it had to be used to stimulate the German economy. 80 The German authorities thus devised an ingenious way to satisfy both the crying need for scientific equipment and the economic rationale of the ECA. The Italians were less successful. Gilberto Bernardini, an outstanding physicist in Rome, spent the academic year 1948–49 with Rabi at Columbia University. S. authorities involved in the ERP could persuade the Italian government of the need to support science.

8 The Pentagon agreed. Faced by a skeptical Congress, Truman exaggerated the danger beyond the particular circumstances that had triggered it. He implied that the United States was embarked on a crusade, not simply to check the possible expansion of Soviet power in the European theater, but to oppose Communism wherever it appeared. 9 Truman’s resort to universalistic rhetoric was intended to win support for his program among conservative isolationists who were committed to America first but also inveterately hostile to Communism.

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